In this query is the list of illustrations intended for Chapter 3 that was originally provided by the author. Can you help us identify them, source them, figure out what their rights situations are (and if they are copyrighted, help us find similar open-source or public domain or creative commons alternatives), suggest a place to insert them in the chapter body if possible, and solve any of the queries about them inside the list below?
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3.1 Gudea statues F and B from the Louvre,Illustration QueryThese hints may help in identifying this image/these images.OpenSee All Queries holding the rule and the temple plan. (Reproduced in A.E. Berriman, Historical Metrology [New York: 1953].)
3.2 Van Buren: “The Rod and the Ring,”[1] from Sumerian cylinder seals.
3.3 Ur-Nammu stela: The moon-god Nanna giving Ur-Nammu the measuring rod and line with which he is to determine the dimensions of the ziggurat. (reproduced in Van Buren 1945, 1949, and/or 1956).Specify CitationWe’re not sure which Van Buren text was meant.OpenSee All Queries
3.4 Bevelled-rim bowl, and Sumerian sign meaning “to eat.”
3.5 Mesopotamian weights from third-millennium BC Lagash: The earliest known weight (of Dudu, c. 2400 BC), and duck measure, etc. (reproduced in Berriman,[4] pp. 56, 8).
A 29 kilogram octopus weight from Knossos, the capital of Crete, approximated the Bronze ingot weights from Hagia Triada (Palmer[5] 1963: p. 110).Illustration QueryIs a second illustration called for here that should be added to Chapter 3 body?OpenSee All Queries
3.6 Guitel[6] 1975: sign for silver, like barley.Illustration QueryThere is no indication where in the chapter body this could go. What do you think about where Illustration 3.6 belongs?OpenSee All Queries
3.7 Hammurapi’s legal stela, upper register depicting him receiving his laws from Shamash. (Louvre.) Ditto from Mari palace. From André Parrot,[7] “Les Peintures du palais de Mari” in Syria, Vol. 18 (1937): p. 336 (plate 39, figures 8–10).Illustration QueryThere was no indication in the chapter body of where Illustration 3.7 should go.OpenSee All Queries
3.8 Painting from Old Kingdom Egypt, of “overseers weighing out quantities of material to the craftsmen and scribes noting down the amounts issued.” From V. Gordon Childe, Man Makes Himself, p. 166.Illustration QueryThere was no indication in the chapter body of where Illustration 3.8 should go.OpenSee All Queries
The Linguistic Root ‘Reg’ (‘Regularity,’ ‘Regime,’ ‘Royal,’ Etc.)
Modern languages associate rulership with the ideas of regime, regulation, and regularity, above all in the sense of administering distributive justice. To be sure, royal titles such as “czar” and “kaiser” derive from the family name of Julius Caesar. The word “king” means “head,” alluding to a sequential order—the head of a procession, or perhaps of a table.
Nearly all communities associate the act of ruling—in the sense of proclaiming laws and judging—with that of measuring. This double-sense is inherent in Indo-European words for rulership. Measures are rules, and rules are laws. Rulers rule by taking measures. These notions underlie a broad complex of words associated with the root “reg.” The list includes Hindu “rajah,” English “regent,” and French “roi,” as well as the German word for government, “Regierung,” and hence the land ruled: “Das Reich,” the realm. The English cognate is “region,” and the name “Richard” derives from the same root.
The evolution of this “reg” terminology reflects an abstraction from quantitative rules to more general laws. A figurative usage is thus at work. The idea of ruling—in the sense of saying who should get how much, and how often—was an important step toward establishing regularity in archaic palaces and temples, and in time for society at large. Setting ration levels and prices for the major commodities and public services is what empowered Near Eastern rulers literally to rule. Administering such regularity is what the word “rule” literally meant, along with its related words “regal,” “royal,” and “regime.”
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Enlil’s forbear Enmesharra endowed the gods Anu and Enlil with rod and ring, that is, the ruling stick and coiled measuring rope (Van Buren 1949: p. 434 and Illustrations 3.1 and 3.2).
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3.1: A.E. Berriman, Historical Metrology (New York: 1953).
3.2: E. Douglas van Buren, “The Rod and the Ring,” Archiv Orientalni, Vol. 17 (1949), pp. 434–450, from Sumerian cylinder seals.
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Depictions of Mesopotamian investiture rituals show the order-deity presenting the coiled-up measuring rope to the ruler. It looks like a ring as on Ur-Nammu’s stela c. 2100 BC, whose usual interpretation is that the moon-god Nanna is handing Ur-Nammu the rod and ring to enable him to build a temple (Illustration 3.3).
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“Ur-Nammu stele: The moon-god Nanna giving Ur-Nammu the measuring rod and line with which he is to determine the dimensions of the ziggurat” and it is “reproduced in Van Buren 1945, 1949, and/or 1956 [we’re not sure which text of hers].”
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The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus describes Egyptian paintings showing “the king or a goddess or a priest spanning a rope and thus determining the direction of the temple-walls. From inscriptions we see that the direction was determined by the stars. In an inscription describing the foundation of the temple at Abydos by Sethos I (1300 BC) the goddess is made to speak to the king thus: ‘You were with me in your function as Rope-Stretcher.’ Still earlier, Thutmose III (1500 BC) is said to have spanned the rope towards the sun-god Amon at the horizon” (Peet 1923: p. 32 cited in van der Waerden 1980: p. 34).
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Anthony Seidenberg[8] (1962a: p. 520) concluded that earth-measurement started with the creation of ritual sites as cosmological models. “The whole must be planned accurately in advance. The outlines of the temple were in fact laid out with strings before the walls were begun. The ground plan of a temple, marked out on the bitumen floor by the thin red lines left by a colored string, has actually been found on the summit of the artificial mountain,” the ziggurat at Uruk.
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“The later millennia witnessed a chaos of systems of weights and measures,” wrote Mainkar[10] (1984: p. 141) of the Indus Valley; “they varied from place to place, market to market and even from commodity to commodity.”
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Prior to about 2600 BC, Mesopotamian rulers were temple en administrators (Nissen 1988: pp. 140ff., Diakonoff 1991…)
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Archaeologists have called these coarse clay utensils the ugliest artifacts of their day (Illustration 3.4).
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Hans J. Nissen, Mesopotamia Before 5000 Years (Rome: 1988b), Figure 30, p. 123: Bevelled Rim Bowl and the sign-forms for KU2 “to eat.”
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“are characterized by the very poor quality of the material used and in the sloppiness of production” (Nissen[11] 1988b: p. 123). “The majority have roughly the same capacity, and the over-tempered clay does not hold any liquids longer than a few minutes.”
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“are characterized by the very poor quality of the material used and in the sloppiness of production” (Nissen[12] 1988b: p. 123). “The majority have roughly the same capacity, and the over-tempered clay does not hold any liquids longer than a few minutes.”
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“roughly the same capacity as the beveled rim bowl.”
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“now made on the wheel, apparently to measure out the daily ration.”
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The French cuneiformist Maurice Lambert[13] (1963: p. 83) explained the system’s rationale:
“When the scribe calculates the monthly barley payments—whether to feed animals or pay workers—he began by calculating a daily total. This was actually his only real calculation, for inasmuch as there are 300 sila in a gur, and 30 days in a month, the figure for the monthly expense follows automatically, at least for anyone who knows how to divide by 10. For example, a daily outlay of 250 sila occasions a monthly expense of 25 gur; a daily outlay of 185 sila works out to a monthly expense of 18 1/2 gur, that is, 18 gur 150.”
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“In the space of only twenty years,” described Lambert (1960[14]: p. 17, 1961[15]), “the bureaucracy is astonishingly amplified.” Lagash entered “an age of memoranda”
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From Enentarzi to Urukagina,” wrote Lambert, “the administrative bureaus are born. Archives have been created, and perhaps even statistics. The rule of Urukagina will be the crowning achievement of this enormous work, the triumph of a bureaucracy that will never lack for paperwork (if we can use that expression for writing in clay).”
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Alexander Tyumanev[16] (1969: p. 112) calculated that for Lagash’s Bau temple during these years, “more than half the women slaves were engaged in preparing and spinning wool (about 55 percent). The rest… were used partly for grinding grain, kitchen work, in the brewery, and lastly, for tending pigs and goats.”
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“Treasurers, bureaucrats, foremen in a general fashion all employ public workers and know only barley” in computing rations and other outlays and revenues, noted (Lambert[17] 1963: p. 84).
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Snell[19] found that “the Sumerian word for [market] price, ganba = mahiru, occurs nowhere in the silver accounts. The normal expression in them is kubi - ‘its silver value,’ referring to the total price of a stated amount of a commodity.”
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Should kor be spelled gur for consistency with the rest of Chapter 2 and the rest of The Creation of Order? See: Wikipedia: “gur (also spelled kor in some literature).”
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Official prices for major public services and commodities were inscribed by the Ur III ruler Shulgi c. 2100 BC, Bilalama of Eshnunna c. 1900 BC… The prologue and beginning of the laws of Ur-Nammu’s son Shulgi are broken off from the surviving tablet, but they probably started like those of Bilalama of Eshnunna two centuries later, by establishing a parity between barley and silver. Lines 143–149 reported that Ur-Nammu “fashioned the bronze sila-measure, he standardized the one-mina weight, and standardized the stone-weight of a shekel of silver in relation to one mina” (ANET II: p. 32)
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Numerous Sumerian weights have been recovered from archaeological contexts in the temple and palace precincts beginning around the middle of the third millennium BC. These weights typically are in the shape of ducks or other animals (Illustration 3.5)
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“Mesopotamian weights from third-millennium BC Lagash: The earliest known weight (of Dudu, c. 2400 BC), and duck measure, etc. (reproduced in A.E. Berriman, Historical Metrology (New York: 1953), pp. 56, 8).”
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Palmer[20] found for Mycenaean Greece the proportions 5:2:1 (with smaller children receiving 1/2), recalling measures familiar from Nuzi, “where the man–boy ratio is 6:1 and the woman’s allocation was only twice that of a child, not even daughters of the royal house rising above the level of a slave’s, which was three times the child’s ration and half the free man’s allocation.”
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Powell (1977) noted that the Middle Babylonian word for 1/8 shekel, bitqu (literally “cutting”), suggests silver rings and coils, and may originally have denoted “a piece of standard size cut off from such a silver coil.”
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It therefore is not surprising that Greek and Italian cities adopted Near Eastern measures along with arithmetic and alphabetic writing, as well as numerous commercial contract practices first innovated by the temples, palaces, and their merchants (Hudson 1991).
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The Soviet cuneiformist Igor Diakonoff[21] (1983: p. 83) has described how archaic languages lean heavily on the use of metaphor to convey the idea of abstract concepts as literal extensions of the concrete. He defined an archaic language as one which, “on the lexical level, has no or only poorly developed means of expressing abstract ideas.”
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“In an archaic language there are no adequate means, either lexical or grammatical, to express such abstract ideas as ‘time,’ ‘space,’ ‘subject,’ ‘object,’ ‘cause,’ ‘beauty,’ ‘liberty,’ ‘invention,’ ‘multiplication,’ ‘division’ and many others, some of which appear to us elemental, as, e.g., the distinction between ‘darkness,’ ‘calamity,’ ‘illness,’ and ‘pain,’ etc., or between ‘good,’ ‘enjoyable,’ ‘kind,’ ‘happy,’ ‘useful,’ ‘lucky,’ etc. … In the absence of means to express general ideas, one resorts to generalization by tropes (metaphors and metonymies).”[22]
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It thus is not surprising that whereas the capital:birth metaphor for interest was not coined until about half a millennium after interest was implied in Sumer, it turned up in Greece and Italy full-blown from the first time we find interest implied, in the eighth century BC.
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1 shekel per month per mina owed per month = 20 percent per year
Bronze Age Mesopotamia
1/10th
10 percent per year (dekate)
Classical Greece
1/12th
8 1/3 percent (1/12th) per year (uncia)
Classical Rome
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Source Material
Smallest
Normal rate Region
Fractional
Unit
Bronze Age Mesopotamia
<nowiki>1/60th
<nowiki>per month = 20 percent per year.
Classical Greece
1/10th
10 percent per year
(''dekate'')
<nowiki>Classical Rome
<nowiki>8 1/3 percent (1/12th) per year
(uncia)
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In addition to being used on a monthly basis for commercial loans, this fraction 1/60th was used annually for applications where only a nominal charge was deemed appropriate. One finds it stipulated, for instance, for the storage of grain in number 121 of Hammurapi’s laws.
Is 121 the right number law of Hammurapi’s Code? That appears to be a 1:5 ratio, not 1/60:
“Anyone storing grain in the house of another shall compensate the bailee by paying to him 5 ‘ka’ of grain for every 1 ‘gur’ of grain stored during the year.”
They would enter the debtor’s or renter’s house to take payment—a goat or other livestock, often for merely a nominal debt (Stephens 196_).
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Hammurapi’s laws (numbers 94 and 95) stipulated that merchants who lent grain or money by a small weight but demanded payment by a larger one should have forfeited whatever they had lent.
Hammurapi’s laws numbers 94–95 were lost according to this source. Can you help us figure out how the author was counting or what his source is?
See also: “[The enumeration of the paragraphs from this point gives rise to the supposition that the gap takes in 35 paragraphs and goes on from 100.]” from Wikisource.
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Paragraph 51 laid down that if a debtor “does not have silver, he will pay the merchant in barley or sesame in accordance with the ratio fixed by the ruler,” that is, “by the royal simdatu.”
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Hammurapi’s law number 89 was lost according to this source. Can you help us figure out how the author was counting or what his source was? We can add a link if you find one.
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the following paragraph 90 stipulated that if the creditor took more interest than was allowed, or collected interest after a misharum act had been proclaimed, the entire debt was nullified
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His contemporary Gudea of Lagash is portrayed (Statues F and B) holding a measuring rule.
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Urukagina’s “reform” text of the 24th millennium BC
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Hans J. Nissen, Mesopotamia Before 5000 Years (Rome: 1988b).
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A famous case arose when famine occurred in the reign of Ur III’s final ruler Ibbi-Sin. He delegated ships to his subordinate Ishbi-Erra to buy barley upstream, but when prices rose a hundredfold Ishbi-Erra broke away to set up his own regime at Isin(Oppenheim 19__).
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In the biblical poetic tradition, observed Cyrus Gordon (1978: p. 25), when Zechariah 14:9 states that “on that day Yahweh shall be one, and His name One,” the idea is not merely monotheistic but also numerological.
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↑Hans J. Nissen, Mesopotamia Before 5000 Years (Rome: 1988b),Verify CitationCan you help us verify the year in this citation?OpenSee All Queries Figure 30, p. 123.
↑A.E. Berriman, Historical Metrology (New York: 1953), pp. 56, 8.
↑V.B. Mainkar, “Metrology in the Indus Civilization,” in B.B. Lal and S.P. Gupta (eds.), Frontiers of the Indus Civilization (New Delhi: 1984), pp. 141–151.
↑Hans J. Nissen, Mesopotamia Before 5000 Years (Rome: 1988b).
↑Hans J. Nissen, Mesopotamia Before 5000 Years (Rome: 1988b).
↑Alexander I. Tyumenev, “The Working Personnel on the Estate of the Temple of dBa.ú in Lagaš During the Period of Lugalanda and Urukagina (25th–24th cent. BC)” [1954], in Igor M. Diakonoff (ed.), Ancient Mesopotamia: Socio-Economic History (Moscow: 1969), pp. 88–126.
↑I.M. Diakonoff, “Some Reflections on Numerals in Sumerian Towards a History of Mathematical Speculation,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 103, No. 1 (1983), pp. 83–96.
↑I.M. Diakonoff, “Some Reflections on Numerals in Sumerian Towards a History of Mathematical Speculation,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 103, No. 1 (1983), pp. 83–96.
↑Maria de Jong Ellis, “Simdatu in the Old Babylonian Sources,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol. 24 (1972), pp. 74–82.
